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Appendix Institutions Authors Keywords. Al-Rusan, Husam K. Kothalawala, Barbara K. Fahim Shahriar, Md. Kontsek, A. Pesti, J. Gordon, T.
Smuk, S. Gergely, A. Zwaan, King H. Lam, Friederike A. Semsei, Csaba F. Boniface, Paul T. Halawa, Ahmed A. Lombardo, Roland Bassett, Austin C. Youssef, Dina A. Radi, Marwa A. Mell, Fernanda G. Barth, Dina Salem, Marwa M. Wieczorkiewicz-Kabut, K. Kata, M. Mikhaleva, A. Cherniaev, M.
Samsonova, O. Zayratyants, L. Kakturskiy, O. Vasyukova, A. Birukov, A. The Puritan Origin of the American Self. New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, Block, Sharon and Kathleen M.
Brunotte, Ulrike. Puritanismus und Pioniergeist. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, Antisemitismus und Philosemitismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Irene A. Diekmann and Elke-Vera Kotowski. Ein mehrfacher Pluralismus, ed. Hans G. Topografien der Sehnsucht, ed. Claudia Ben- thien and Manuela Gerlof. Orientalismus, Antisemitismus und Geschlecht im Deutsch- land des Wulf D. Hund, Christian Koller, and Moshe Zimmermann.
Zurich: LIT, , pp. Canny, Nicholas P. Canup, John. Cave, Alfred A. The Pequot War. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, Cheyette, Bryan. Chidester, David. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, Empire of Religion: Imperialism and Comparative Religion.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Cogley, Richard W. Cremer, Andrea D. Eliot, John. With a preface by Joseph Caryl. London, Feldman, Egal. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Forbes, Allyn B. Winthrop Papers 3, — Boston: Massachusetts His- torical Society, Frederickson, George M. Racism: A Short History. Violence and the Sacred, trans. Patrick Gregory.
Glaser, Jennifer. Gookin, Daniel. Re- print. Boston: Munroe and Francis, , pp. Heimert, Alan. New York: Simon and Schuster, Eine analytisch-kritische Be- griffsanalyse. Antisemitismus und Philo- semitismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed.
Hoberman, Michael. Holstun, James. Huddleston, Lee El. Origins of the American Indians: European Concepts, — Austin: University of Texas Press, Isaac, Benjamin H.
The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Jaher, Frederic C. Katz, David S. Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England — Oxford: Clarendon Press, Paolo Bernardini and Norman Fiering. New York: Berghahn, , pp. Kolodny, Annette. Kruer, Matthew. Mather, Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana. London: Thomas Parkhurst, Magnalia Christi Americana, 2nd edition, 2 vols. Mather, Increase. Boston: Printed by John Foster, , pp.
McGinn, Bernard. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, Meer, Nasar ed. Special issue, Ethnic and Racial Studies Pagels, Elaine. New York: Random House, Parfitt, Tudor. Black Jews in Africa and the Americas. Philbrick, Nathaniel. New York: Viking, Pointer, Richard W.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Popkin, Richard H. Perez Zagorin. Berkeley: University of California Press, , pp. Millenarianism and Messianism in English Literature and Thought — Leiden: E. Brill, Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation.
London: Routledge, Rohde, Achim. Orientalismus, Antisemitismus und Ge- schlecht im Deutschland des Said, Edward. New York: Vintage Books, Schrepfer, Susan R. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, Shurtleff, Nathaniel B. Boston: William White, Slotkin, Richard. Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the Frontier, — Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Stoler, Ann Laura.
Strachey, William. The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia. London: Printed for The Hakluyt Society, Thomas, James M. Thorowgood, Thomas.
London: Printed by W. Slater, Toon, Peter. Peter Toon. London: James Clarke, , pp. Williams, Roger. A Key into the Language of America, ed. John J. Teunissen and Eve- lyn J. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, . From beneath her cap the long black tresses fall loose over her shoulders — this being a hallmark of unmarried Jewesses. This depiction alludes to the pogroms in imperial Russia which since the s had been on the increase, and the Jewess is portrayed as the victim of these violent rampages.
While the lin- guistic element is to the fore with regard to the sheer concept of the Beautiful Jew- ess and its narration throughout a text, pictorial depictions focused on the particu- larity of her beauty — on the deep-set dark eyes and the equally dark and mostly curly long hair.
As stereotypical elements they are condensed into a visual canon and emerge as the signet of the Beautiful Jewess. She is possessor of a specific — ex- otic — beauty that distinguishes her from her non-Jewish surroundings and makes her visible in a way that connects her with the Orient, which marks her as alien and different. My thesis is that the Beautiful Jewess is to be regarded as a figure on the border- line — as a figure that in the historical development of this image motif paces off the terrain of Jewish conflicts in a non-Jewish environment.
To return once more to the cover designs that we examined at the beginning, as Florian Krobb high- lighted in his study of narrative prose, both depictions emphasize the beauty of the young Jewess. Insofar as the Beautiful Jewess specified no one individual person, she served proxy for Jewry as a whole. At the same time, in the pictorial designs, we can repeatedly observe ten- dencies to make her an agent of certain personifications. She is most vividly present in depictions of Salome, for instance by Gustave Moreau, Salome, ; and Salome Dancing before Herod, The impact of this on the Jewish communities was not only a new edition of what was well-known to them as a potential threat but also caused and intensified migration of Eastern European Jews to the West and thus dissolution of the structural order of Jewish communities.
It was only with advent of the First World War that there emerged an altered perception of the Ostjuden on the part of Western Jews who constituted the bourgeois and cultivated elements of Jewish society. Glasenapp draws attention to the fact that most of the tales were trans- lated from Yiddish and Hebrew, which constituted an improvement. The dangerous situation of Eastern European Jewry is made explicit through the soldiers in Cossack apparel and their unambiguously threatening stance, which insinuates both the motif and motive of rape.
The figure of the Beautiful Jewess be- fore them represents Eastern European Jews — and she above all brings public awareness to the West of the danger with which these Jews are threatened. More- over, the negative connotations that Ostjuden carried for acculturated Jews of the West had in the meantime given way to assumption of a paternalistic attitude to- ward the former.
Western Jews increasingly perceived the Jews of Eastern Europe as being victims of Russian politics due to the restrictions placed on them. The figure of the Beautiful Jewess thus is discussed in the context of the chang- ing relationship between Eastern and Western European Jewry, serving as meta- phor for a shift in boundaries.
A lithograph by Max Liebermann fig. In the background are some sketchily drawn houses and in front of them is a battle scene of armed men on horseback.
It was founded in Berlin in at the instigation of Paul Nathan. It was through the financial contributions of German Jews that the cultural condition of Jews in Eastern Europe was to be improved.
In April , during the Easter holidays, there were antisemitic excesses committed in the municipality of Kishinev in Moldavia. In Octo- ber there was another pogrom in the city. For Western European Jews the czarist policy, and thus that of Russia, was one of their central arguments for be- coming soldiers in the First World War. Also in the case of Liebermann the First World War was an occasion for him to take up the theme of the dangerous situa- tion facing Eastern European Jewry.
The development of po- litical and cultural Zionism was revolutionary for the traditional East-West rela- tionship. From a Zionist point of view the Eastern European Jews were a strong- hold of spiritual and cultural inspiration; they came to epitomize a lived Jewish folklore which West European Jewry had largely lost owing to their assimilation.
During the po- groms Jews were murdered and businesses and households were plundered and destroyed. Like many thousands of other Jews, and in the general popular enthusiasm for the war, at its outbreak Struck had volunteered for armed service. After brief duty on the front, he was in- stalled in the press bureau of the Eastern High Command, which was stationed in Lithuania, first in Bialystok and then Kaunas. Here he functioned as censor and was a translator of Yiddish.
According to Arnold Zweig, the plan for the book emerged directly after appearance of the portfolio. In a letter to Martin Buber in , Zweig wrote that insofar as I could acquaint myself with them by way of the Lithuanian Jews, I will be writing at length about the Eastern Jews and availing myself of an already existing op- portunity, as it were, namely some fifty new lithographs by Struck.
Despite their direct confrontation with Eastern European Jews, whose life was one of poverty and squalor, the writer Zweig and the graphic artist Struck put forward an idealized and romanticized image of the Ostjuden which was instrumental to the cultural Zionist 18 There was a second edition in It was illustrated with 52 lithographs.
This edition was reprinted in Wiesbaden Fourier Verlag. Before appearance of the book there were individual parts of it featured in the maga- zine Der Jude, which was published by Martin Buber.
Arnold Zweig was born in Glogow in and died in East Berlin in He was a cultural Zionist with socialist leanings. Baer in Frankfurt. The indi- vidual and discrete portraits are juxtaposed with the text and finally serve to con- jure the group portrait of a family encompassing both sexes and all ages and which represents an ideal image of Eastern Jewry.
A total of nine lithographs portray young women in idealized fashion fig. Each of these female figures accords with the typology of the Beautiful Jewess — for instance the bust portrait of a young woman with headscarf fig. Against a light background her face, in oblique pro- file, exhibits dark melancholy eyes; her headscarf evinces full dark hair. Each im- age — predominantly head and bust portraits — stands alone, is separated from the text, and takes up an entire page.
The body, shoulders and neck are only sketchily 22 Struck committed to his diary the direct experience he had of the poverty and misery in which Eastern European Jews lived. See Ost und West 1, , columns 1—4. The figures almost never make eye contact with the observer, thus intensify- ing the impression of their isolation. The depictions focus on the eye area — the face and head are modeled solely through black lines and their painterly reading of the subject as well as through smudged grays, and the omnipresent omissions are made conspicuous through the white background of the page.
With only a few ex- ceptions the pictures were signed by Struck, thus demonstrating his own artistic presence and authority over the drawings and also in the sense of their being illus- trations. The likenesses are neither captioned so as to identify the subject nor are there any other indicators regarding when and where they might have had their provenance.
The images thus take on the quality of timeless apparitions. The figure is seated on a throne adorned with the Star of David, she wears a crown and holds in her hands the Torah scroll. Beautiful, self-assured and denoted through the symbols of Judaism, this figure represents the hopes of Zionist Jewry and its ideals regarding a newly founded state and community.
This type of depiction clearly reveals the la- tent possibilities in this character as proxy for the Jewish collective and thus a per- sonification of the nation. Inherent to the figuration is creation of a positive self- image that is not only proud and self-confident but furnished with a vision of the future and thus helping to create a Zionist counter-discourse, which stood in op- position to the centuries-old negative imagery of Jewry from an anti-Jewish per- spective.
Lilien Berlin: Lattmann, , With invasion of the American troops in he committed suicide. The fact that the picture appeared in Ost und West — the authoritative journal of cultural Zionism — likewise emphasizes the national significance of the figure. She became a figure in which were negotiated the new relations between East and West with respect to their significance for Jewry.
As such she became a counter-draft to her original meaning. Works Cited Aschheim, Steven E. Tradition und Mo- derne der Juden Osteuropas Briefwechsel aus sieben Jahrzehnten. Band I, — Heidelberg: Schneider, Marburg: Jonas, , pp. Zur Kon- struktion eines Bild-Typus. Glasenapp, Gabriele von. Amsterdam and New York: Editions Rodopoi, , pp. Heschel, Susannah. Krobb, Florian.
Jahrhundert bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg. Landsberger, Artur ed. Das Ghettobuch. Das Volk des Ghetto. Unter Mitwirkung von S. Blumen- thal und J. Mahlke, Lutz S. Buch und Graphik aus Berliner Kunstver- lagen — Berlin: Reimer, Buchschmuck von E. Lilien, Berlin: Lattmann, Oschinsky, Theodor.
Aus Reiseerinnerungen von Theodor Oschinsky. Volkov, Shulamit. Die Juden in Deutschland — Zweig, Arnold and Hermann Struck. Berlin: Welt-Verlag, Reprint Wiesbaden: Fourier, Cohen, Jersualem: Mercaz Zalman Shazar, Usually linked to Zionist ideology and the creation of Jewish national art in Palestine,8 orientalism among the artists of Jewish origin ac- tive in various parts of Europe was largely overlooked.
Self-fashioning as an ex- pelled Moorish aristocrat from the legendary Alhambra in Granada, as an Arab warrior, or an oriental prince by such diverse artists as Maurycy Gottlieb or Jules Pascin; or portrayal of Jewish artists as orientals by their non-Jewish friends and colleagues as in a photograph of Simeon Solomon by David Wilkie Wynfield, or a portrait of Isaac Levitan by Mikhail Nesterov, offer themselves as examples. Scholars usu- ally give two reasons for labeling Oppenheim in such a way.
He was the first Ger- man painter of Jewish origin who did not convert to Christianity in order to pur- sue his career as an artist and who became known due to his visual responses to contemporary German-Jewish acculturation processes.
See his Painting a People, , pp. In this work a young turbaned and dark-skinned Islamic scholar is drawn away from his pious reading by a tempting, fair-haired, cross- wearing Christian beauty who is offering him a glass of forbidden wine.
Moreover, although the presence of a Muslim youth suggests that this unusual meeting may have occurred in the Ori- ent, the thick woods in the background are European. Similarly, the clay pitcher containing the wine is apparently of a local Westerwald tradition, used in Frankfurt for serving the apple-wine that was just at that time gaining in popularity.
Mutatis mutandis, clearly aware of the classical tradition in art, the wooded scene also appears as a mocking reverse of a Dionysian theme, in which a young Maenad now hopes to intoxicate the mythological god of wine. There is a tipsy German poet and a painter, their Italian models and girlfriends, and a brooding Franciscan monk. The riots took place during a time of heightened political and social tension and summed up the post-Napoleonic reactionary wave.
Caught between the often blatantly anti-Jewish German nationalistic movement opposing Jewish emancipa- tion, on the one hand, and Jewish religious traditionalism and separateness, on the other, young liberal and acculturated Jews struggled to define for themselves a new position in a society from which they expected full recognition as equal citizens.
An elabo- rate, well preserved Masonic travel passport issued by the French mother lodge, the Grand Orient de France, on June 21, fig.
The idea to join the Freema- sons while in Paris most probably originated from his older brother Simon Daniel — , a Freemason himself and a well-established jewelry merchant, who helped Moritz financially during the early years of his art education. Belong- ing to the Masonic movement made them feel included. This richly decorated engraving includes numerous Freemason symbols and emblems.
The most prominent elements are indeed two columns flanking the text of the passport. The spatial posi- tioning of this imaginary temple dictates its West-East orientation. This explains the position of columns as standing on the North the left one and on the South the right one. Following the Freemason belief that the light and enlightenment emanates from the East, such a design also referred to the East as morning, the West as evening, the North as midnight, and the South as noon.
The columns ap- pear decorated with an array of symbolic objects and are topped by female allego- ries. Thus, the northern column represents an early level of an apprentice. The right, southern, column refers to the next level of a journeyman. The central scene above them in the sky, on the East, is of the highest Masonic level. In the course of the nineteenth century, for a number of North European artists Rome and its surroundings gradually lost its past classical grandeur and instead became cherished for what it was — the colorful European South.
A group of German romantic artists actually perma- nently moved to Rome, living in a commune resembling early Christians. Soon known as Nazarenes, they developed new iconography that not only revived bibli- cal themes but also sought to reconcile opposites: Gothic tradition with Renais- sance art, North and South, West and East, the New and Old Testaments.
The preserved — sketch of the presently lost painting shows a contemplating Abraham as he ob- serves his wife Sarah on the left, with little Isaac holding a ram the symbol of his future sacrifice , and his young concubine Hagar on the right, who is reprimand- ing his other son, Ishmael fig.
The scene seems to refer to the text in Genesis — Sarah saw the son, whom Hagar the Egyptian had borne to Abraham, playing. As for the son of the slave-woman, I will make a nation of him, too, for he is your seed. Abraham stands above two women with two young children and together with them forms a balanced triangular composition. What is even more puzzling is the similar age of the two half-brothers, which deviates from the biblical text, according to which Ishmael was the older sibling.
Elizabeth and John the Baptist fig. The painting therefore shows Elizabeth, an older, turbaned woman on the left, with her brunette, curly-headed baby John holding a cross as a sign of the future Crucifixion, and young Mary on the right, with a blond baby Jesus. Oppenheim adapted this well-known New Testament iconography to his Old Testament scene. Thus, the older Sarah as Elizabeth is placed on the left; however, her son is not brunette, but blonde — like the baby Jesus, while the small ram parallels the cross held by John the Baptist and refers to the future sac- rifice that both of them — Isaac and Jesus — will undergo.
On the right sits Hagar. As noted, in Nazarene iconography blond women were associated with the Gothic North, Germania, and spirituality, and dark ones with the Ren- aissance South, Italy, and sensuality. Moreover, as shown, Pforr gave them the roles of sensual and maternal Shulamit of the Old Testament, and the virginal and devotional Mary of the New Testament.
Ishmael, traditionally perceived as the father of the Arab nation, is thus shown as closer to the sensual, dark-haired oriental inhabitants of the Ren- aissance South and the Old Testament, while blond Isaac recalls the spiritual New Testament of the Christian Church and the Gothic North.
The light-haired Sarah and the brunette Hagar and Ishmael actually do appear in traditional representations of the two biblical women in European art. Following such reading, Abraham between and above the two women would then correspond to the Grand Master Mason positioned on the East. Among them appear representatives of all three religions: a dignified Muslim and a Catholic cardinal standing on the left , and Jesus himself involved in a discussion with an Orthodox Jew, accompa- nied by a Christian monk and a Wandering Jew who listens carefully, appearing on the right.
However, one violent event seemed to again trigger his youthful aspirations. In he took renewed interest in the dialogue between the three religions, most probably resulting from his in- volvement with the infamous Damascus Affair that evolved that year.
This staged blood-libel trial brought against the members of the Damascus Jewish community and the resulting anti-Jewish violence echoed throughout the Jewish world. However, instead of a sword he holds above his head a torch as a source of light. Today, only two — sketches are known which suggest designs for a goblet and a centerpiece. Initially, Oppenheim designed for Montefiore a goblet with a scene depicting representatives of all three religions and an angel mediating among them.
The oriental turbaned character is an axe-wielding Muslim; a Christian appears as a medieval knight trying to stop him; while a Jew kneels on the ground begging for mercy.
Once united as biblical Orientals, now a Muslim and a Jew are shown as perpetrator and victim, while the Christian tries to bring peace. The Christian knight no longer appears, and the iconography even further stresses the martyrdom of the Jews under the threat of Islam, divine intervention in the form of an angel, and the role of Moses — the biblical one kneeling on the top and mentioned in the biblical verses inscribed below, Exod. Oppenheim, who never travelled to the Middle East or North Africa, may have seen such political involvement with the contemporary Orient and its reflection in art during his trips to Paris and London in and Among the paint- ings he saw there were works by Horace Vernet, one of the most prolific academic French artists who accompanied the French army to Egypt and Algeria.
The painting Temptation fig. In it, once again, North and South and West and East coexist: an Italian, white, Christian girl sitting in a German forest offers an oriental, turban-wearing, dark-skinned, pious Muslim a glass of local Frankfurt Apfelwein.
As noted, the fact that Oppenheim put his own initials on the clay pitcher humorously includes Ju- daism as well: it becomes the source of a binding force between them, similarly to Moses who in the painting brings the Tablets of Law and monotheism to all the people fig.
Veit and Oppenheim, now in their forties, seemed to have had a private humorous moment of bittersweet mourning over their lost youth. The dark, charming Oriental resembling Oppenheim and his Italian fair-haired temptress — possibly reminding the aging artist of his youthful Italian summers — also seem to indicate that.
While the Italian Mediterra- nean sites and local people reminded Oppenheim of the non-European, oriental biblical Semites, he also, as a newly initiated Mason, felt liberated and free to imagine an ideal egalitarian society. For Oppenheim its origins lay in the ancient wisdom of the East that Moses and Solomon offered not only to Jews, but to all of humanity.
Thus for Oppenheim, as an enlightened Jew, the turbaned, beautified, and young Oriental he imagined himself to be offered a new identity he was seek- ing to embrace — one of an emancipated and equal member of a multicultural, liberal, tolerant, and humanist society: a turbaned German of Mosaic faith.
Works Cited Binder, Dieter A. Die diskrete Gesellschaft: Geschichte und Symbolik der Freimauer. Graz, Vienna, and Cologne: Styria, edition Kaleidoscope, Cohen, Elisheva. Exhibition catalogue. Frankel, Jonathan. Gordon, Charlotte. New York: Little Brown and Co. Grossman, Lionel. Edges of Empire: Orientalism and Visual Culture.
Malden, Oxford, and Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, Hasan-Rokem, Galit. Heuberger, Georg and Anton Merk eds. Penslar eds. Katz, Jacob. Jews and Freemasons in Europe, — Manor, Dalia. In Orientalism and the Jews, ed. Mendelsohn, Ezra. Hanover: University Press of New England, Meyer, Michael A. German-Jewish History in Modern Times. New York: Columbia University Press, Nochlin, Linda. Plaut, Wolf Gunther. The Torah, A Modern Commentary. Said, Edward W.
New York: Pantheon Books, Schindler, Herbert. Regensburg: Verlag Friedrich Pustet, In Moritz Oppenheim. Ex- hibition catalogue. Weber, Annette. Georg Heuberger and Anton Merk. Zion, Noam and Steve Israel. Jerusalem: Shalom Hartman Insti- tute, These short fictional tales portrayed his childhood home in a Bohemian ghetto describing the everyday life, traditions and rituals of ghetto Jews. They focused almost exclusively on Jews isolating Jewish life from the surrounding society.
This chapter explores the poten- tials of reading nineteenth-century ghetto literature as Jewish self-colonization. When in Kompert published his first collection of ghetto stories, Aus dem Ghetto. Geschichten Scenes from the Ghetto: Studies of Jewish life , he was clearly address- ing a German-reading audience.
The six stories that made up the collection were written in German with Yiddish expressions translated in brackets and Jewish cus- toms explained in footnotes for non-Jewish or assimilated modern Jewish readers.
Kompert was following in the footsteps of writers such as Berthold Auerbach and Heinrich Heine. Thus, he had a modern Euro- pean readership in mind for his stories. By historicizing Jewish life in ghetto communities, Kompert made clear a dis- tance between modern Jews and traditional Jews and showed German readers that Western European Jews had advanced.
His writings affirmed a process of change or modernization among Western and Central European Jews by describing Jewish ghetto life at a distance — in historical terms — as part of the past.
Modernization was a prerequisite for historicizing or idealizing Jewish ghetto life. Progress and change were thus what enabled assimilated Western and Central European Jews to look back at previous states and glorify past life in ghetto communities. In these stories, Jews typically lived according to tradition in secluded ghetto and village commu- nities. Contact with the surrounding society was limited and often led to conflict and controversy.
In line with the two studies, this chapter will show how the Jew- ish communities that Kompert described had features comparable to colonized people living isolated from the surrounding world. The chapter will argue, how- ever, that there were features pointing away from isolation and that the conflicts presented in the stories were just as much conflicts between Jewish tradition and modernity, as they were conflicts between a Jewish minority and a Christian ma- jority.
Approaching Ghetto Literature from a Postcolonial Perspective Within the last two decades in particular, the cultural and political implications of nineteenth-century ghetto literature have been scholarly scrutinized from various angles.
In , Kenneth Ober made a plea for academic attention on this ne- 5 Richard Cohen made this important point in his study of nostalgia among nineteenth- century Jewish writers and artists.
In the foreword to Geschichten einer Gasse Tales from the Street , his collection of ghetto stories, Kompert addressed the German people indicating that the stories were written with them in mind. Neverthe- less, his stories were read by Jews and non-Jews alike. Numerous studies of their content and context have appeared with different approaches and understandings of their cultural and po- litical intentions.
Further- more, ghettoization had happened for religious reasons and de-ghettoization was not a revolutionary event, but a gradual emancipation process that aimed at inte- gration, not at independent national institutions.
At first glance, the odds of a successful postcolonial examination of ghetto stories seemed unfavorable. He justified his theoretical approach by pointing out the simi- larities between de-colonization and Jewish emancipation: In both instances, there is a powerful, culturally and politically dominant side to the equation, the sheer existence of which exerts on the weaker side a certain pressure to conform to its standards linguistic and cultural, amongst others , and a weaker thwarted or oppressed side that previously could, and in fact did, maintain its cultural distinct- iveness mainly by minimising its contact with the surrounding majority culture.
Jahrhundert, Becoming an accepted member of the majority culture, Jews would have to adapt to its linguistic, political, social and cultural ways.
This process of acculturation Krobb saw as de-colonization. Krobb drew on Benedict Anderson and Homi Bhabha in studying the de- colonization of ghetto Jews as an abandonment of a religiously defined cultural identity.
The process of abandoning religiously defined cultural communities and identities left a void that could only be filled by leaning on the majority culture in order for acculturation to succeed. They reminded Jewish readers of common traditional or religious bonds while at the same time strengthening their relations to a new cultural com- munity.
They represented a period of transformation going from enclosed Jewish communities to modern European societies. Thus, they contained elements asso- ciated with both past and future life for European Jews. He also included Benedict Anderson 14 Ibid. Ghetto litera- ture was an important medium of print that created a novel sense of Jewish com- munity and played a crucial role in imagining German-Jewish social relations in nineteenth-century Germany, Hess asserted.
Ghetto literature established a cultural respectability for German Jews that could serve as a marker of their newly found middle-class status according to Hess. It presented a usable past that was compatible with contemporary Jewish aspira- tions towards middle-class respectability. Their approaches were innovative and shed new light on the cultural and political dimensions of Jewish ghetto stories as well as the cultural position of the writers. They both perceived ghetto literature as an important me- dium for negotiating the identity of modern Western European Jews and a founda- tion for making new cultural connections.
Their studies in- spired other approaches and perspectives on Jewish ghetto literature and opened up new discussions of German-Jewish cultural relations. Certainly, the stories were not just a cry for preserving a Jewish ghetto culture about to disappear with the rise of modernity and Jewish emanci- pation, as has previously been claimed.
In the stories, the ghetto often seems an en- closed place where Judaism prospers undisturbed by outside influences. It is de- scribed as an isolated place, incompatible with the surrounding Christian society. In this way, the stories cast the Jews in the role as the colonized and the Christians as the colonizers. The story revolves around two children, Hannele and Moschele, who grow up in a traditional Jewish family. Their childhood home is de- scribed as a merry and lively place and their father, the Randar who runs the vil- lage tavern, is an important man in the village.
In , however, Ober has reconsidered and with ghetto writer Nathan Samuely as his case study he reaches the conclusion that ghetto stories were an at- tempt to bridge the Jewish past with a new cultural world trying to gain acceptance by ex- plaining to the new world the customs, religion, and culture of the old.
Kompert, Scenes from the Ghetto: Studies of Jewish life, , p. In the evening he sat at table in the midst of his guests. Then how the Sabbath exhaled its perfumes and its flowers throughout the whole house, and how the schnorrer felt their hearts inundated with joy!
Eve- ryone takes part in a joyous celebration of the Sabbath and Judaism appears a happy and welcoming religion. This harmonic village life for the Jewish family is disrupted when the children become acquainted with life beyond the ghetto walls.
The brother, Moschele, re- ceives a secular education and learns German culture, politics and food while he is away from the ghetto. He returns to his family bearing a new Christian name, Moritz, but with his religious faith intact.
The sister, Hannele, considers converting to Christianity for her friend Honza, who is a priest, but her brother Moritz pre- vents her conversion at the last minute by reminding her of her religious bonds to their Jewish parents. Both siblings remain devoted to Judaism and ghetto life, but the story ends on a sad note leaving the reader in doubt as to whether they will ever fully recover from their youthful adventures.
In the story, life in traditional Jewish villages and life in Christian societies are two very different and irreconcil- able things. The story presents a non-isolated Jewish family where outside influences find their way into the family and interfere with their traditional village life. The Randar runs the village tavern with success, serving primarily Christian peasants. He accompanied the glorification of Jesus Christ with his amen; but that did not prevent him from giving himself up in their company to his devotions.
Often he could be seen walking about among the peasants with his phylacteries tied round his head and his arm; and it will perhaps be thought strange that it occurred to none of them to laugh. But in the village, religious diversity does not pose a problem and although the story continues to point out a gap between Christians and Jews, the Jewish family lives harmonically surrounded by Christian peasants.
The con- trast of the story is thus not so much between the Jews living as an isolated minor- ity and a Christian majority trying to dominate them, as it is a contrast between modernity and Jewish tradition.
When Moschele is sent away for education, he is exposed to new and different ideas and he begins to question the traditional Jew- ish ways of life. He adapts to the manners taught at his Christian school, goes by the name Moritz, and finds it difficult to explain traditional Judaism rationally. It must be admitted, alas, that they are every day becoming more influential; and if we are not careful they will take away the little of the Thora which still remains to us.
From the way he is portrayed in the story it is clear, though, that the landlord is uttering an extremity. Kompert is not out to charge intellectuals with emancipation fraud. In- 22 Ibid. The transformation that Judaism is going through is hap- pening not because of Christian takeover, but because Jews are leaving ghetto and village communities and taking part in the surrounding society. But as Krobb also pointed out, his stories were ambivalent because they originated in a period of transition and uncertainty for German Jews.
While seemingly placing Jewish ghetto life firmly in the past, the stories also conveyed community feeling and Jewish solidarity and can be read as a defence for traditional Judaism and a warn- ing against Jewish assimilation. They pointed in multiple directions and related to the past as well as the future for German Jews. Their inconclusive nature becomes even clearer when seen in light of his later work and that of other ghetto writers. Geschich- ten Bohemian Jews. With many different and at times opposing views on ghetto life, this literature was anything but one-sided.
Some of the writers also met in Ber- lin to discuss their work and situation. Geschichten Scenes from the Ghetto: Studies of Jewish life , was a contribution to this cultural discussion.
He presented a fictional ghetto universe where Jews lived according to tradition. In this particular story the Jews were not portrayed as living in isolated communities, and Judaism and Christianity were thriving in unison. Concluding Remarks Reading ghetto literature as self-colonizing literature highlights it as a medium for the discussion of Jewish assimilation and stresses the political, social and cultural situation of the Jews in Europe.
It focuses on differences as well as similarities be- tween a Jewish ghetto minority and a Christian majority. However, ghetto litera- ture was just as much a presentation of the challenges that Western European Jews were facing at the encounter of modernity. This was an internal problem for Jews that did not necessarily involve a Christian majority but revolved around the ob- servance of Jewish laws and the significance of Jewish tradition among other things. The story describes a collision between Jew- ish tradition and modernity and the challenges that traditional Jews met in modern European society.
Kompert had experienced these challenges first-hand when he left his childhood home for education and employment outside the ghetto. Kenneth Ober thus names Goldschmidt the forerunner of ghetto literature.
The ghetto and village communities of his stories were created in hindsight, which he made no attempt of hiding. Reading Kompert in a postcolonial light foregrounds his cultural aim with the stories. Kompert wanted to emphasize the transformation that he and other assimi- lated European Jews had underwent to become part of European culture and soci- ety.
His literature illustrates the transitional period that mid-nineteenth-century Western European Jews experienced, and shows how Jewish writers related to the political, social and cultural changes that followed. Postcolonial reading or not, ghetto literature was an important medium for the discussion of Jewish assimila- tion and modernization, and continued to progress as a literary genre among Jew- ish writers throughout the second half of the nineteenth century.
In his fictional stories Kompert merged particular Jewish elements with modern European culture, an imagined Jewish past with hopes for the future for European Jews. Works Cited Cohen, Richard I. Fuchs, Anne. Leopold Komperts Ghettogeschichte in postkolonialer Perspektive. Jahrhundert: Germanistische Ta- gung zum Geburtstag von Eda Sagarra im August , ed.
Glasenapp, Gabriele von and Hans O. Hyman, Paula E. Jack Wertheimer. Distributed by Harvard University Press, , pp. Iggers, Wilma. Kompert, Leopold. Scenes from the Ghetto: Studies of Jewish Life. London: Remington and Co. Anne Fuchs and Florian Krobb. Columbia: Camden House, , pp. Ober, Kenneth H. Ober Kenneth H. Die Ghettogeschichte: Entstehung und Entwicklung einer Gattung. Samuels, Maurice.
Sazaki, Kristina R. Witteman, M. It was by all accounts one of the most widely read novels of the second half of the nineteenth century, its author one of the leading liberal writers of his day, a successful novelist, play- wright, journalist, literary theorist and co-editor of the Grenzboten, one of the most influential liberal journals for culture and politics of the time.
Religious Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden, On the same journey, Anton also meets the future anti-hero of the novel, the young Jew Veitel Itzig, who travels to the capital to start a new life in the services of the Jewish trader Ehrenthal. The lives of the two young men will from now on take an outwardly parallel, but morally markedly different course. Itzig and Ehrenthal, in league with an assortment of Jewish cronies, succeed in swindling the von Rothsattels out of their fortune, and the family is forced to relocate to their last remaining property, a dilapidated estate in Poland under Prussian rule.
Anton joins them to take care of their financial af- fairs, supported by the young aristocrat Fritz von Fink. Unable to withstand the pres- sures of the investigation, Itzig murders his accomplice and eventually drowns himself, driven to madness by his feelings of guilt.
None of the other groups in the novel are able to work in this way; the Poles and the nobility because they do not work at all, and the Jews because their labor is not morally guided but motivated by egoism, not productive, but destructive, and not community-building, but fragmenting.
Firstly, the lurid descriptions of chaos and destruction brought about by the Pol- ish rebellion — recognizable as the Greater Poland uprising of — could be seen as a kind of displaced engagement with the contemporaneous German revo- lution of —, which is only once indirectly alluded to in passing.
Despite their crucial dif- ferences, all of them can be understood as ways of dealing with immanent ten- sions, contradictions and ambivalences produced by capitalist modernity. By pro- jecting one pole of these contradictions outside the national community and as- sociating it with, variously, the Poles, the Jews or America, internal contradictions are symbolically represented as an external threat; socially and historically pro- duced features of modernity appear as rooted in trans-historical ethnic or national characteristics.
Secondly, Poland appears as a colonial space, a barren land outside of history that has to be made productive and dragged into modernity by the Prussian colo- nizers. The same is true for the Jews, but they do so in very different ways. The contrast between Jews and non-Jewish Germans, on the other hand, introduces a split in the image of modernity itself. The majority of the Jewish characters hence pose a completely different kind of threat to the German national community than the Poles.
Whereas the Poles sim- ply represent another, albeit hostile, nation and seem to be part of a global order divided into nations and nation-states,9 the Jews embody a threat to the very prin- ciple of the nation itself. The Jewish characters in the novel are associated with abstract forms of so- cial mediation through commodities and the market rather than concrete and con- scious forms of cooperation and collaboration, they are motivated by egoism and greed rather than moral considerations and the welfare of the whole, and in gen- eral represent the negative sides of capitalist modernity: social fragmentation, alienation, disenchantment and loss of meaning.
Consider the im- 8 Freytag, Soll und Haben, , vol. We might therefore ask if an element of fearful colonialist projection asserts itself here.
Veitel only buys in order to sell, to turn money into more money in unending, breathless activity. The German merchants, on the other hand, only seem to be engaged in the distribution of use values. Even the flow of money — in the rare cases where money is even explicitly mentioned in this world — is compared to blood circulation, the national economy to a human body; Freytag, Soll und Haben, vol.
The Jewish and the American world, on the other hand, are governed by metaphors of a boundless dynamic beyond human control and without natural end point, e. On the contrary, they represent an excessive form of capitalism that is unrestrained by moral con- trols or by what is imagined as a grown, quasi-natural form of community and mutual obligation. They represent the threatening underside of a supposedly good, productive form of modern society.
On the other hand, though, even the Jews in the capital remain strangers whose origins lie in the East. While the Polish external enemy outside the Prus- sian borders serves to define the German nation through opposition, the Jews take on the role of an enemy who is simultaneously within and without and thus undermines stable geographical, national and social boundaries, as will be further discussed below. In the margins of the nar- rative we also encounter fleeting images of the Orient as an almost utopian space of poetry and sensuality.
This Orient likewise appears as a counter-image to the sober world of German labor, but one that holds out a promise that cannot be ful- filled in that world. Rather than a hardnosed businessman like his father, he is an idealist who abhors the cutthroat world of money and trade, and rather than being a social climber like his mother and sister, he is unworldly and shy.
Even though he is a scholar, he also has nothing in common with the stereotype of the Jewish intellec- tual that emerged at the time, to whom nothing is holy and who uses his critical, 16 Ibid. Unlike the Polish East, this oriental East is not characterized by a lack of civili- zation and creativity, but by a rich and alluring, albeit foreign, culture.
In this way, the friendship between Anton and Bernhard seems to gesture, at least briefly, towards a conception of German- Jewish coexistence beyond either exclusion or assimilation, in which difference is not conceived as a deficit, in which scholarship seems reconciled with labor and practical sense, and in which Jewish and German culture seem to mutually enrich each other.
Against this ephemeral vision, though, the paradigm of German efficiency and discipline soon asserts itself again. In spite of the diamet- rical opposition between Bernhard and his father, the relationships of either to the world thus ultimately appear as two sides of the same coin.
Both crude mate- rialism and romantic escapism appear as grounded in the same inability to find poetry, meaning and moral values in the bourgeois world as it is. Ehrenthal ac- tively destroys these dimensions in his obsessive hunt for profit, and Bernhard can therefore only find them in distant climes. The conversations between the two friends could thus be seen as an exposition of the poetical program of the novel itself.
In the end he him- self explicitly condemns his entire existence as a scholar as lacking in substance. I, Anton Wohlfart, I will be scattered by the wind. But rather than making these social restrictions a topic in any way, Bernhard — and with him the novel — exclusively focuses on his individual inability to help himself, seen as a personal failure. Mich, Anton Wohlfart, mich wird der Sturmwind verwehen. Berg, Luftmenschen, Most of the Jewish characters, and in particular Veitel Itzig and Hirsch Ehren- thal, stand in opposition to both these images of the East.
They represent bad modernity versus bad pre-modernity in the case of Jews and Poles, and immoral, excessive pragmatism as against escapist poetry in the case of father and son Ehrenthal.
The novel suggests that the true origins of even the most assimilated Jew lie in the shtetls of Poland. Anne 25 Freytag, Soll und Haben, , vol. Here, alterity in terms of geographical origin is not aligned with alterity in terms of the type of society these characters represent. This effects a kind of projection or purgation. This process also serves to symbolically turn the opaque dynamics and abstract impera- tives, the social fragmentation and the loss of immanent meaning that are neces- sary aspects of capitalist modernity, into nothing but the contingent — and hence avoidable — effects of a faulty Jewish attitude.
Works Cited Achinger, Christine. Achinger, Christine and Marcel Stoetzler. Berg, Nicolas. Luftmenschen: Zur Geschichte einer Metapher. Gustav Freytag : Leben, Werk, Grenze. Freytag, Gustav. Soll und Haben 2 Bde. Berlin and Leipzig: Knaur, . Herzog, Dagmar. Judson, Peter M. Steven Beller. New York and Oxford: Berghahn, Vom Vorurteil bis zur Vernichtung: Der Antisemitismus — Ber- lin: Union, Kopp, Kristin.
Florian Krobb. Robert L. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, , pp. New York: Routledge, , pp. Constructing Poland as colonial space. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, Langewiesche, Dieter. Liberalismus in Deutschland. McClintock, Anne. Gender, Race and National- ism. Minneapolis and London: Univer- sity of Minnesota Press, , pp. Mosse, George L. New York: Howard Fertig, Peters, Paul.
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